On 12 July 1980 Joseph KHUMA, a SWAPO cadre, was assassinated following a meeting with local leaders near Cuvango, Angola; two vehicles, including the one carrying KHUMA, were destroyed by explosives as they prepared to leave the meeting site. KHUMA served as a SWAPO guerrilla from the late 1960s through the mid-1970s, but in recent years he advocated a more moderate approach to negotiating with the South Africans regarding the assumption of UN-mandated Namibian sovereignty. According to press reports, the popular KHUMA was opposed by both SWAPO hard-liners and the government of PW BOTHA in South Africa.

By chance the site of assassination was examined on 13 July 1980 by South African soldiers performing a long-range reconnaissance in southern Angola. One of the soldiers recovered an unexploded demolition charge still attached to one of the vehicles. A description of the demolition charge obtained from REDACTED suggests that the charge was prepared and placed in accordance with techniques used in the French Army.

Inquiries sent to REDACTED suggested a possible connection to Ahmed MESSAOUDI, an Algerian arms trafficker presently operating in Tangier, Morocco. MESSAOUDI has known ties to MPLA in Angola, which provides material support to SWAPO.

MISSION

• Obtain intelligence on MESSAOUDI's current activities.
• Identify MESSAOUDI's contacts
• REDACTED

Task Force 610 operates under the direction of the US Central Intelligence Agency, case officer R. JOHNSON supervising. NATO liaison is COL. P MARTENS.

The heat of the day lingers in the evening air of Algeciras. A handful of tourists stroll the darkened streets as you approach the Cafe Oriental, on a side street just off the Plaza Alta. The bell tower of the Igelsia de la Palma looms across the quiet plaza to the west, while the lights of the port twinkle to the east.

Situated at the corner of Calles Muro and Murillo, Cafe Oriental occupies the ground floor of a four-story building. A pair of large wooden doors stand open, spilling light on a handful of tables along the sidewalk, where tourists, speaking English and German, sip coffee and sangria.

Inside a musician strumming a buzuq occupies a small stage as a pair of young women serve chattering patrons. As instructed, you approach the maitre d' and ask for a quiet table away from the stage. He motions toward a beaded curtain at the back of the room; through the curtain is a separate room. Moorish tapestries drape the walls. In the center of the room is a heavy wooden table ringed by a half-dozen chairs, while along the north wall a silver coffee urn and a glass pitcher of ice water sit on a sideboard, surrounded by cups and glasses.

Two men are in the room. The first is a tall and athletic; his grey suitcoat hangs on a chair, and his white shirt is open at the collar. His sandy blonde hair is tousled, with hints of silver. He smiles without warmth as you enter and motions to the coffee and water on the sideboard. The second is a trim man, not short, not tall, in a tan sportcoat and grey slacks. His dark pencil mustache and neatly trimmed hair are flecked with silver; he nods but says nothing as you enter, studying you carefully as he sips a cup of coffee.

As the last agent arrives, as if on queue, the strumming of the buzuq is joined by the swell of a a reed flute and a tambourine into a lively tune, and patrons can soon be heard clapping along.

"All right," says the tall man, in twangy American English, "you have any questions before we get started?"

Alexander nods to both men and pours himself a glass of cold water. He employs those seconds to size up the men before him and read as much as he can from them.

Then he breaks his most charming smile and asks:

"Actually, I do have a question. Do we have some sort of dossier on the man, intel of a personal nature? Lovers, acquaintances, and the like? The briefing was a tad scant on that."

Slade smiles at the tall man, "Yes, I'm curious about why this task force is concerning itself with the death of a single SWAPO official at all. Is not rival UNITA supported by both the U.S. and South African governments? You would think that one more dead SWAPO cadre would be a good thing. Good, but not remarkable."

"What's the real interest here?"

The American smiles and motions to the chairs.

"Good questions," he replies, just loud enough to be heard above the music outside.. "First, let me make introductions. I'm Mr. Johnson, and I'm from Langley, and this is Colonel Martens. The colonel sits at the Africa desk for NATO.

"A situation's come up which NATO intel isn't set up to handle, so we've agreed to act as proxy on their behalf." Johnson pauses to pour himself a cup of coffee, then sits on the edge of the table, sipping the brew before continuing.

"To answer your question," Johnson says, nodding at Slade, "NATO's 'interest' is in Mr. Messaoudi's present operations in Tangier, not Angola." He looks at Martens. "Colonel?"

The dark-haired man reaches under the table and picks up a briefcase. Snapping the hasps open, he withdraws three manila folders, and distributes one to each man around the table. Johnson sits quietly as each agent reads the dossier.

MESSAOUDI, Ahmed, born Marseille, Bouches-du-Rhône, France; father, Hamid, a dockworker in the Port of Marseille, deceased 1971 (coronary disease); mother, Basma, cook, deceased 1957 (colon cancer).

Ht: 5' 8"; Wt: 145# Average build, right handed, blood type O+ (per French Army records), fingerprints on file
DOB: 11 May 1940 Age 40
Citizenship: dual France (native), Morocco (naturalized)
Languages: French, Arabic, Russian
Hair: Dark brown Eyes: Brown Distinguishing marks: Scar on left neck from assassination attempt, scars to left arm and torso from grenade fragments; no tattoos
Last known residence: Rabat, Morocco; business office in Casablanca, Morocco
Occupation: Shipping consultant

MESSAOUDI attended public schools in Marseille; his academic records suggest a bright but unengaged student. Worked for two years on docks, then as motorcycle courier. Refused to report for national service in 1960 due to Algerian War; shortly thereafter recruited by the Armée de Libération Nationale (ALN) terrorist organization in France. Participated in bank robberies and other terrorist acts; arrested by French police, tortured during interrogation, later escaped custody during transport.

In 1962, MESSAOUDI traveled to Algeria following independence. He made a favorable impression on Ahmed BEN BELLA, the leader of the FLN and the first president of Algeria; MESSAOUDI was assigned to the Algerian trade ministry. In 1965 MESSAOUDI was sent to Moscow for additional education; while he was in Moscow, BEN BELLA was deposed in a coup. Informed that he was not in favor with the new regime, MESSAOUDI remained in Moscow where he made acquaintance with the Yemeni revolutionary KAMAL.

MESSAOUDI and KAMAL worked together for more than a decade, providing direct assistance to Soviet-backed revolutionary movements throughout the Arabian Peninsula and East Africa. MESSAOUDI survived an assassination attempt in 1970, and was severely injured by a Rhodesian commando';s grenade blast in Tanzania in 1974. After KAMAL broke with Moscow at the outbreak of the Ogaden War in 1977, MESSAOUDI found himself under suspicion from the Soviet government as well. Using the contacts he developed over many years, MESSAOUDI continued to traffic in arms, assisting the MPLA-backed Katangese gendarmerie in the invasion of the Shaba province of Zaire that same year. The following year, MESSAOUDI established residence in Morocco, founding a shipping consulting firm to serve as a legitimate business cover for his arms deals.

MESSAOUDI is suspected of providing arms and arranging trainers for Chadian FAN rebels in 1978 and 1979; he also reportedly provided material aid to ZAPU in Rhodesia-Zimbabwe through Tanzania and Mozambique and the ANC in Angola. At present he is believed to be assisting factions in Uganda preceding elections there this winter which are likely to result in armed conflict. INTERPOL alleges a possible connection between MESSAOUDI and the IRA , but so far has not produced conclusive evidence of a link with the Irish terrorist organisation.

MESSAOUDI was exposed at an early age to the PCF (French Communist Party) but did not join the PCA (Algerian Communist Party); his radicalization appears to stem from nationalist tendencies, rather than ideological ones. He carries a long-standing hatred for the French government. MESSAOUDI occupies an unusual niche, trafficking in arms without ideological constraint or superpower allegiance; his loyalties appear to be available to the highest bidder.

MESSAOUDI maintains a private residence, a villa on the outskirts of Rabat. His legitimate front office is in Casablanca, but he often conducts business in Tangier. He is unmarried.

Alexander waits for the two men to provide any additional intel before making his own questions.

"It seems like our friend Ahmed is a well connected fellow - very dangerous. What would NATO like us to focus our investigation on? His connections, associations, finances, recent deals - or just everything?"

Colonel Martens speaks up for the first time. "Arms merchants like Messaoudi meet . . . eh . . . face-to-face . . . with their clients," he says in French-accented English. "Transactions are conducted with . . . eh . . . bank notes . . . eh . . . cash, yes? A short . . . eh . . . trail of paper."

"Messaoudi worked for Kamal for years, until Kamal got religion," interjects Johnson. "There wasn't a Soviet-backed revolutionary movement in the Middle East or Africa that Kamal wasn't involved in, and after Kamal got out, Messaoudi built on Kamal's old network of shell companies to hide his activities.

"We caught a break," the American continues, "when the Moroccan DST connected a villa rented in Tangier for two weeks in August to a company involved in a delivery of RPG launchers in Crete a couple of years ago. The rental starts on the fifteenth. We want to confirm Messaoudi's in town, get eyes on who he meets, what he's doing."

"Apart from being unmarried, has he any significant relationship? Close friends, relatives, mistresses? Anyone significant in his life?

Martens reaches into his briefcase once more, pulls out another manila folder, and flips it open. "The DST file on Messaoudi is . . . eh . . . incomplete . . . eh . . . probably due to bribes to the state minister."

He studies a page for a moment. "Eh . . . legitimate business partners in Casablanca and Marrakesh, shipping . . . eh . . . eh . . . phosphates to China. A mistress for the past two years, but she . . . eh . . . moved to Paris, six months ago.

"Holidays in Beirut, before the civil war, and Havana." The colonel flips another page. "Travels with . . . eh . . . bodyguards, always. The chef . . . eh . . head bodyguard is former Spanish legionnaire, named Alfonso de la Cruz. De la Cruz was . . . eh . . kicked out of the legion in . . . eh . . . 1971, after the Zemla . . . eh . . . demonstration, for beating a protester to death. De la Cruz works for Messaoudi since 1975."

"We know he travels under fake passports," Johnson adds, "but as the colonel said, Messaoudi has people in the ministry of state in his pocket, so DST doesn't have much on this guy." He raises his coffee cup, pointing his finger around the room. "That probably goes for the ministry of the interior, too, so don't count on the Moroccan police for help."

The American sips his coffee. "Other questions before we get down to logistics?"

Slade shakes his head no, "I have no further questions - at least none prior to discussing logistics."

Quote from: pbj44;756173Slide shakes his head no, "I have no further questions - at least none prior to discussing logistics."

Alexander sighs slightly and then he smiles. "Well, if the intel on that matter is scant, we'll find a way of getting more. Let's proceed with logistics, gentlemen."

Gideon Sharp stoically pours coffee from the silver urn. When he is finally seated at the large table, he considers the brief. "Whatever became of Kamal? As Messaoudi's entire operation is built upon Kamal's, it seems like that could be an in."

With pencil he gently scratches down three words to follow up on later. "Kamal. Mistress. IRA."

He sets the pencil down and looks up to the others. "Logistics, yes," he agrees with Alexander. "Let's move on to logistics." He sips his coffee, then picks up his pencil again.

Johnson sips his drink. "Kamal was a NLF terrorist in the early Sixties. After the British pulled out of Aden in '67, he was brought in by the Soviets and became their man in east Africa and the Middle East for the next decade - Kenya, Mozambique, Somalia. Then in '78, he broke with the Soviets after they supported the Ethiopians against the Somalis." The American looks at the colonel, who nods. "The story is that he got religion. Now he's living in a tent in Sudan, herding goats or something." He waves a hand dismissively.

"Messaoudi was Kamal's . . . eh . . . eh . . . right-hand," Martens interjects. "After the . . . eh . . . the split, he could not . . . eh . . . depend on Kamal's . . . eh . . . sources, but he was . . . eh . . . well regarded and had many contacts of his own."

"Messaoudi used his knowledge of Kamal's operation to build his own network, operating throughout sub-Saharan Africa.," Johnson resumes, "but without allegiance to either the East or the West." He glances at a stainless steel Rolex, snug around a meaty wrist, as the music swirls beyond the beaded curtain.

"Okay, let's get this done. You're booked at the Hotel Continental starting Friday, near the kasbah, overlooking the port where the ferry from here in Algeciras puts in. We've also arranged for a rental car for you. Tourists visiting Tangier seems like the simplest cover." He looks around the room for reaction. Martens says nothing, looking resolutely down at the closed folder on the table in front of him.